[37] Conversely, informers reported an organized campaign to implicate the FPA such that FLN "leaders and carefully chosen militants from the workers' residence in Vitry - 45, rue Rondenay - have been tasked with declaring in cafés and public places that they have suffered exactions, were robbed of pocketbooks or watches[...], and were victims of violence by the 'Algerian police'. Despite the FLN’s extreme military weakness—France had defeated it in almost every battle—it had significant leverage because France’s now-infamous brutality in the conflict had alienated its domestic citizens as well as the international community. France first occupied Algeria in 1830 and considered it to be an integral component of the French metropolitan state. Le Monde produced in May 2003 the dagger he allegedly used to commit war crimes as court evidence. General Salan, commander-in-chief of the French forces in Algeria, had developed in Indochina a theory of "counter-revolutionary warfare" that included the use of torture.[7]. At the time, Horne could not confirm or deny that torture had been ordered by the highest ranks of the military and civilian hierarchy of the French state. Beside Vidal-Naquet, famous signatories of the Manifeste des 121, published after the 1960 Barricades Week, included Robert Antelme, an Auschwitz survivor and writer, writers Simone de Beauvoir and Maurice Blanchot, Pierre Boulez, writer André Breton, Hubert Damisch, writer Marguerite Duras, Daniel Guérin, Robert Jaulin, Claude Lanzmann, Robert Lapoujade, Henri Lefebvre, writer Michel Leiris, Jérôme Lindon, editor of the Minuit publishing house, François Maspero, another editor, Théodore Monod, Maurice Nadeau, Jean-François Revel, Alain Robbe-Grillet, author and founder of the nouveau roman, writers Françoise Sagan, Nathalie Sarraute, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Claude Simon, Jean Bruller (Vercors), Jean-Pierre Vernant, Frantz Fanon, etc. Pierre Vidal-Naquet (1930–2006), one of the leaders of the Comité Audin, had denounced the systematic use of torture by the 10e DP during the 1957 Battle of Algiers. Branche, Raphaëlle. [64] Her argument was based on several filmed interviews of high-ranking Argentine military officers, who were themselves accused of torture at the time. The population of European ancestry was established for over 100 years by the time the revolution occurred, making it difficult to separate them from what one might call a “native” population. It was difficult for an army and a police force which has for years tortured Muslims to abandon such methods on the pretext that the opponent is no longer the same. The French military instead responded to small-scale revolts with disproportionate force, effectively catalyzing a more violent response by insurgents who targeted both pied noirs and moderate Algerians. However, the Court of Cassation rejected the complaint which had been deposed against him on charges of torture, claiming they were amnestied. [iii] Algerians who joined the FLN late once the tide had turned, used violence as a way to prove themselves and to claim materials rewards (through looting, for instance). French Counterinsurgency in Algeria: Forgotten Lessons from a Misunderstood Conflict. Stephen J. Fallon. Violence increased on both sides from 1954 to 1956. In general, the SFIO supported the colonial wars during the Fourth Republic (1947–54), starting with the crushing of the Madagascar revolt in 1947 by the socialist government of Paul Ramadier. The scale of French retaliations instilled fear and anger among the Algerian population and vengeance among the pied noirs. [24], In 1958 General Salan set up special military internment centers for PAM rebels. The suspects were arrested during raids, after having been denounced. The Setif massacre occurred on May 8, 1945, the day that Germany surrendered in World War II. There are both French and U.S. pathways that explain the spread of torture, including methods used in Algeria, to Latin American regimes allied with the West from the 1960s onwards. The Algerian civil war in the 1990s appears as a separate case in this study. [28] He was put in charge of military arrests and then had to resign. ", Branche, Raphaëlle. But in 1957 the Minister of Interior declared a state of emergency in Algeria, and the government granted extraordinary powers to General Massu. Pierre Vidal-Naquet, a French historian, confessed that there were "hundreds of thousands of instances of torture" by the French military in Algeria. The French state had never previously admitted that its military forces routinely used torture. He had to resign a few months later, and the ICRC was prohibited for a year from undertaking any mission to Algeria. One of the things that emerges from a glance at French history during the Algerian war (1954-1962) is just how turbulent and brutal a time it was. "[19], Early in the war, the FLN was progressively assuming control in Algeria through targeted acts of terrorism against French nationals and Algerians supporting the French. This trajectory silenced the voices on both sides that called for moderation, and the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962) was thus characterized by FLN terrorism and French brutality. "Numerous cases of ill-treatment and torture are still being reported", the article disclosed, giving the ICRC's legitimacy to the many previously documented cases. Detainees, who included not only FLN members but also old men, women and children, were thus not granted prisoner of war (POW) status. [citation needed] Besides prohibiting the use of torture, the Geneva Conventions gave the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) access to the detainees. [6] Although Aussaresses claimed that torture was an efficient way to fight against what he saw as FLN terrorism, recent historical research[7] demonstrates that, contrary to the popular "ticking time bomb scenario", torture was not used for short-term intelligence purposes. French Algeria (French: Alger to 1839, then Algérie afterwards; unofficially Algérie française, Arabic: الجزائر المستعمرة ‎), also known as Colonial Algeria, was the colonial rule of France over Algeria.French rule in the region began in 1830 with the invasion of Algiers and lasted until the Algerian War of Independence concluded in 1962. ", According to an article of Verité Liberté published in 1961, "In the Ameziane farm, a CRA (Centre de renseignement et d'action, Information and Action Center) of Constantine it is practiced on "industrial scale". One of the things that emerges from a glance at French history during the Algerian war (1954-1962) is just how turbulent and brutal a time it was. In celebration, Algerian forces, who fought for France, displayed an Algerian flag as a symbol of freedom. According to historian Raphaëlle Branche, "it was as if Mendès France was preparing for his departure by setting up as many protective barriers as possible." “Harki” was a name given to Algerians who were French loyalists. A Savage War of Peace. “Analysis of the Algerian War of Independence: Les Evenments, a Lost Opportunity for Peace” Journal of Conflictology 3:2, 52 – 61. The IGAME (Inspecteur général en mission extraordinaire) of both Oran and Algiers chose to avoid the issue, whereas the IGAME of Constantinois, Maurice Papon (who died in 2007 after having been convicted for crimes against humanity for his role under Vichy), was actively involved in repression (Branche, 2004). 10 October 2007, PARIS (AFP) - A new film described as France's "Platoon" tackles the savagery of the Algerian war, broaching a topic that until recently remained taboo … The first was Paul Teitgen, former General Secretary of the Algiers Police, who had been himself tortured by the Gestapo. It remained however, on both banks, a practice tolerated by the authorities and a form of violence to which Algerians knew they could be subjected. [iv] The number of harki killed is often reported to be as high as 60,000 and 150,000, but recent historians have suggested the number may be closer to 30,000 (see below). The team of the "Tagarins" [barracks] remains to the contrary isolated...To our knowledge, nobody has accused the units charged with controlling. [i] Describing groups involved in the Algerian Revolution can be tricky. (2012, 10 2). Despite France's difficulties in looking at its past, which is made evident by the obstacles it continues to put before the historical research, and the way the Algerian War is taught (or not) in French high-schools,[3] the fact that torture had not only been massively employed, but also ordered by the French government, was confirmed by General Paul Aussaresses in 2001. Torture in Algeria and in the French Empire: an exception limited to wars of national liberation conducted against the metropole? Many massacres were committed during the Algerian Civil War that began in 1991. There were many, and it's hard to say which are the worst. A momentous turn towards Algerian independence came in 1961, but it was accompanied by a new spike in violence against civilians. [33] While estimates differ, the number of dead officially acknowledged (in French government reports and statements of 1998) in putting down this demonstration was 40 to 48. On this subject, he turns to the work of Meynier, who, citing French army documents (not the official number) posits the range of 55,000 – 60,000 deaths. À partir du moment où on mène une guerre coloniale, c’est-à-dire une guerre pour soumettre un peuple à sa volonté, on peut édicter toutes les lois que l'on veut, il y aura toujours des dépassements." French film breaks silence of Algerian war atrocities July 16, 2004 in Entertainment A NEW film described as France’s Platoon tackles the savagery of the Algerian war, broaching a topic that until recently remained taboo and helping France face the demons of its colonial past. The arrest of Generals Salan and Jouhaud [leaders of the OAS] has just proved it. The brutal 1954-1962 Algerian War of Independence saw atrocities committed on both sides with Algerian historians putting the death toll at 1.5 million Algerian victims while French … But he also denounced the non-systematic use of torture, mainly beatings, by the French Army on members of the Organisation armée secrète (OAS), a far-right terrorist group which after the March 1962 Évian Accords engaged in a campaign of bombings directed against the civilian population in Algeria. [dead link][23], Benoist Rey's book Les égorgeurs was also censored in April 1961. "[3] This was therefore a 'classic' colonial war of liberation, and it is on these different viewpoints (police action vs. war) that much of the argument about these events tends to focus. From the moment one starts a colonial war, i.e. : Libri in altre lingue [35], Further escalation occurred from August to October 1961 as the FLN resumed bombings against the French police, and killing 11 policemen and injured 17 (in Paris and its suburbs). "Escadrons de la mort, l’école française" présentation sur le site de la LDH de Toulon. Violence against harki began even before the ceasefire came into effect, with accounts suggesting a rise in violence in March 1962. These days, they represent civilization, we do not. The case had been specifically documented at the time by the "Comité Audin", to which historian Pierre Vidal-Naquet belonged. I will give you a very honest answer, just hope it can explain why Algeria won independence. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. The violence first skyrocketed when the French responded to an FLN-led general strike and bombings by combing the city for pro-independence fighters. (bismillah) France and Algeria unconcerned by revelations of French atrocitiesFor more than a year irrefutible new evidence of war crimes committed by French forces during the Algerian war of independence has been surfacing in French newspapers and in memoirs by senior French … Jones, J. Introduction | Atrocities | Fatalities | Ending | Coding | Works Cited | Notes. Khalafullah noted that France is responsible for the mass destruction of villages and settlements in Algeria, as well as for testing nuclear weapons on the territory of Algeria, the consequences of which are still felt. In the treaty, the FLN achieved most of its demands, including complete autonomy and a full French withdrawal. Other famous opponents of torture included Robert Bonnaud, who published on counsel of his friend Pierre Vidal-Naquet an article in 1956 in L'Esprit, a personalist review founded by Emmanuel Mounier (1905–1950). France and the Algerian War, 1954-1962: Strategy, Operations and Diplomacy: Amazon.it: Alexander, Martin S., Keiger, J.F.V. ... all atrocities equally atrocious.” 1977. The parties fought on this front too. Julio Godoy. Under pressure from the left-wing opposition to the war and the use of torture, including the French Communist Party (PCF),[29] the government, then led by Guy Mollet (SFIO), created a Commission of Safeguard of Rights and Individual Liberties, composed of various personalities named by the government, which gave the public its report in September 1957: according to it, torture was a frequent practice in Algeria. [7][16][17][18], Historian Raphaëlle Branche [fr], maîtresse de conférences in contemporary history at the University of Paris I – Sorbonne, who wrote her doctoral thesis on the use of torture during the Algerian war, noted that "in metropolitan France, torture did not attain the same height as in Algeria. [68], The French and U.S. pathways have a common root, as the use of electrical generators for torture was invented in America in 1908, spread in Asia during World War II, and passed to both French and U.S. forces during their respective involvement in the First Indochina War and the Vietnam War (or Second Indochina War).[67]. In 1841, the liberal thinker and deputy Alexis de Tocqueville could declare: War in Africa is a science. As the example of French extremists and harki demonstrate, not all violence occurred across the schism of French and Algerian. On July 1, 1962, Algerians overwhelmingly voted for independence and on July 3, French Pres. "[38] A note diffused by the French arm of the FLN to its branches in September 1959 specifically focused on making claims of torture to influence the legal system: For those of our brothers who will be arrested, it is important to specify what attitude they must adopt. > l'officier-interprète colonel d'Aubignosc. In France, I have often heard men I respect, but do not approve of, deplore that crops should be burnt and granaries emptied and finally that unarmed men, women and children should be seized. The French Army's war in Algeria has always aroused passions. This attempt at pacification by employing both targeted raids as well as mass punishment characterized the French strategy throughout the conflict. far-right weekly newspapers, La Nation française, Rivarol, Carrefour have started to publish articles on crimes committed against supporters of French Algeria. Between interrogation sessions, the suspects are imprisoned without food in cells, some of which were small enough to impede lying down. "The Algerians fought on the side of France against Hitler's Germany and in January 1945, when victory was close, the Algerians went out to the streets to celebrate the independence, but the French Armed Forces opened fire at the demonstrators. Branche, Raphaëlle. New York: Oxford University Press. ), "La torture, l'armée et la République" in, "Faire l'histoire de la violence d'État" in, "La torture pendant la guerre d'Algérie : un crime contre l'humanité ?" People affiliated with the French rule in Algeria who stayed after the French left suffered retributive violence. [56] This affair ended in 2000 when the "Cour de cassation" (French supreme jurisdiction) concluded that it was legitimate to publish these assertions. [66] Robin also argued that a 1959 agreement between France and Argentina instaured a "permanent French military mission" which was located in the offices of the chief of staff of the Argentine Armed Forces. a war to submit a people to one's will, one can issue all the laws one wants, but they will always be violated."[31]. Nabila Ramdani is a French-Algerian journalist and commentator who specializes in French politics and the Arab world. This paper will show that the French government’s weak commitment to maintaining the rule of law and her tradition of civil liberties cost her public support when the war began to impose on Metropolitan France. A colonel in the French police force had told the delegates, "The struggle against terrorism makes it necessary to resort to certain questioning techniques as the only way of saving human life and avoiding new attacks." [65] French intelligence agents have long been suspected of having trained their Argentine counterparts in "counter-insurgency" techniques. This, even for the sake of interest, is more noxious than useful; for, as another officer was telling me, if our sole aim is to equal the Turks, in fact we shall be in a far lower position than theirs: barbarians for barbarians, the Turks will always outdo us because they are Muslim barbarians. L’IGCI/CICDA pendant la guerre d'Algérie" in Laurent Feller (dir. Stephen J. Fallon. In 1962, French President Charles de Gaulle signed the Evian Accords, a peace agreement with the FLN leadership. THE FRENCH ARMY AND TORTURE DURING THE ALGERIAN WAR (1954–1962), COLONIALISM THROUGH THE SCHOOL BOOKS – The hidden history of the Algerian war, Torture in Algeria. Following 9 May 1945 Sétif massacres, other riots against the European presence occurred in Guelma, Batna, Biskra, and Kherrata, causing 103 deaths among the colonials. The systematic use of torture created a national controversy which has had lasting effects on French and Algerian society. In addition to generating a widespread sense of fear, the massacres effected migration from and depopulation of the worst-affected areas. French patriots point to the loss of their own soldiers and settler militias – some 28,000 dead, 75,000 injured and thousands more missing. French Gen. Paul Aussaresses, whose remorseless admission of executions and torture during the Algerian independence war five decades ago forced France … Louisette Ighilahriz declared that she had been tortured for three months and accused as the responsible party General Massu as the then-commander of the French armed forces. [52], In June 2000, Bigeard declared that he was based in Sidi Ferruch, known as a torture center from which many Algerians never left alive. WARNING, CREEPY PICTURES! Thus, until 10 August 1999, the French Republic persisted in calling the Algerian War a simple "operation of public order" against the FLN "terrorism. This U.S. pathway leads directly to SOA graduate Leopoldo Galtieri, the Argentine dictator and commanding officer of Luis María Mendía. From 1954 onward, the FLN sought to establish a politico-military organization among the 300,000 Algerians residing in France; by 1958, it had overwhelmed Messali Hadj's Algerian National Movement, despite the latter's popularity with Algerian expatriates at the onset of the war. All these methods were documented as standard counter-insurgency tactics by Colonel Trinquier in Modern Warfare: A French View of Counterinsurgency (1961), a reference in the areas of "counter-revolutionary war" and of psychological warfare. In general, the area was tension-filled, with frequent clashes between the French and the Algerian people. It killed thousands of Algerian civilians and combatants during the crackdown, successfully quelling FLN operations within Algiers. Aussaresses said that it had been directly ordered by Guy Mollet's government. This paper will show that the French government’s weak commitment to maintaining the rule of law and her tradition of civil liberties cost her public support when the war began to impose on Metropolitan France. Calcada, Miquel. Pierre Vidal-Naquet, one of the many signatories to the Manifeste des 121 against torture,[30] wrote a book, L'Affaire Audin (1957), and, as a historian, would continue to work on the Algerian War all his life. PARIS, Nov 26 2001 (IPS) - In a landmark case a French military court has acknowledged human rights violations committed by France during the Algerian war of independence in the 1950s and early 1960s. Special powers were devolved to the military and were returned to civilian powers only in September 1959, when Charles de Gaulle made his speech on self-determination. PS: I do not want to be unfair towards all these right-wing men: some have been able to engage in self-criticism and to recognize, as did Philippe Ariès in La nation française, that they had erred in their judgment by opposing the campaign against torture.[32]. The Algerian War of Independence, also known as the Algerian Revolution or the Algerian War, and in Algeria itself sometimes called The War of 1 November, was fought between France and the Algerian National Liberation Front (French: Front de Libération Nationale – FLN) from 1954 to 1962, which led to Algeria winning its independence from France. (n.d.). The French army provide a chilling context for reviews of Nazi atrocities. The Armed Islamic Group claimed responsibility for many of them, while for others no group has claimed responsibility. from, Guy Chambarlac, "Tueurs et porteurs de valise", in, Jean-Luc Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus, 2001, op.cit., p.75. ... the Algerian War. Already in 1977, British historian Alistair Horne wrote in A Savage War of Peace that torture was to become a growing cancer for France, leaving behind a poison that would linger in the French system long after the war itself had ended. [ii] Calcada 53. As combat moved to the capital, casualties peaked over the next year during the two, back-to-back battles of Algiers. It brought down six French governments, led to the collapse of the Fourth Republic, returned de Gaulle to power, and came close to provoking a civil war on French soil. The Algerian War, also known as the Algerian War of Independence or the Algerian Revolution (Arabic language: الثورة الجزائرية Ath-Thawra Al-Jazā’iriyya; French language: Guerre d'Algérie, "Algerian War") was a war between France and the Algerian independence movements from 1954 to 1962, which led to Algeria gaining its independence from France. He confessed to having himself engaged in torture and having himself illegally executed 24 Algerians, under the orders of Guy Mollet's government. Emanuel Macron, the first French president born after the Algerian War (1954-1962), caused controversy during his election campaign when he declared in February 2017 that France’s colonization of Algeria was a crime against humanity, true brutality and “part of the history that we must face by apologizing to those against whom we have committed such practices”. The French president, Emmanuel Macron, wants to change all this, and has appointed a renowned Paris university professor to shed light on “the memory of colonisation and the Algerian war… Atrocities (1954-1962) Atrocities. A Diplomatic Revolution. It's both true and false to say that Algeria is to France as Vietnam is to the United States. New York: Oxford University Press. Elements of both sides in the Algerian War of Independence—the French Armed Forces and the opposing Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN)—used deliberate torture during that conflict (1954–1962), creating an ongoing public controversy. If we add to this, the number of European civilians, which government figures posit as 2,788.[viii]. During their pacification of Algeria, French forces engaged in a scorched earth policy against the Algerian population. However, because of the amnesty and the prescription, there can be no criminal proceedings against Le Pen for the crimes he is alleged to have committed in Algeria. Stora, Benjamin. [citation needed] In testimony in January 2007 before Argentine judges, Luis María Mendía, Argentine Admiral and originator of the "death flights" during the "Dirty War", referred to Marie Monique Robin's film documentary titled The Death Squads – the French School (Les escadrons de la mort – l'école française), which argued that the French intelligence services had trained Argentine counterparts in counter-insurgency techniques. [7], It was found much later that Gaston Gosselin, a member of the Ministry of Justice who was responsible for internment issues in metropolitan France, had leaked the report to the journalists of Le Monde. In addition to generating a widespread sense of fear, the massacres effected migration from and depopulation of the worst-affected areas. Suspects were divided into two groups, those immediately interrogated and those who would be forced to wait a bit. The Algerian War lasted from 1954 to 1962. The conflict then dispersed throughout the country, with the French military relying more heavily on helicopter bombing of opposition territory for the remainder of the war. Attempting to exonerate himself, Luis María Mendía used this source to ask that former French president, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, former French premier Pierre Messmer, former French ambassador to Buenos Aires Françoise de la Gosse, and all officials in place in the French embassy in Buenos Aires between 1976 and 1983 be brought before the court. Terms for Creating and Maintaining Sites, Documenting declines in civilian fatalities, http://www.ladepeche.fr/article/2012/03/10/1308713-pieds-noirs-ceux-qui-ont-choisi-de-rester.html, http://courses.wcupa.edu/jones/his311/lectures/4cases.htm. While incompletely evidenced, the strongest presumption of torture by the FPA pertains to two locations in the 13th arrondissement. Say which are the worst was only in 1995–96 that new works to... 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